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Women's wiles 39th Dilemma. Did not the Arahats once show fear? Did not the Omniscient One once change his mind? THE work of which a translation is here, for the first time, presented to the English reading public, has had a strange and interesting history. Written in Northern India, at or a little after the beginning of the Christian era, and either in Sanskrit itself or in some North Indian Prakrit, it has been entirely lost in the land of its origin, and so far as is at present known is not extant in any of the homes of the various sects and schools of the Buddhists, except only in Ceylon, and in those countries which have derived their Buddhism from Ceylon.

It is true that General Cunningham says 1 that the name of Milinda, 'is still famous in all Buddhist countries. For in his note he refers only to Hardy, who is good evidence for Ceylon, but who does not even say that the 'Milinda' was known elsewhere. Preserved there, and translated at a very early date into Pali, it has become, in its southern home, a book of standard authority, is put into the hands of those who have begun to doubt the cardinal points of Buddhist doctrine, has been long a popular work in its Pali form, has been translated into Sinhalese, and occupies a unique position, second only to the Pali Pifakas and perhaps also to the celebrated work of Buddhaghosa, the 'Path of Purity'.

From Ceylon it has been transferred, in its Pali form, to both Burma and Siam, and in those countries also it enjoys so high a repute, that it has been commented on if not translated. It is not merely the only work composed among the Northern Buddhists which is regarded with reverence by the orthodox Buddhists of the southern p.

And it is the only prose work composed in ancient India which would be considered, from the modern point of view, as a successful work of art. The external evidence for these statements is, at present, both very slight and, for the most part, late. There appeared at Colombo in the year of Buddha A. It was published at the expense of five Buddhist gentlemen whose names deserve to be here recorded.

D , by a member of the Buddhist Order named HTnari-kumbure Sumangala, a lineal successor, in the line of teacher and pupil anurishya , of the celebrated Woeliwifa Sarawankara, who had been appointed Samgha-raga, or chief of the Order —that 'this priceless book, unsurpassable as a means either for learning the Buddhist doctrine, or for growth in the knowledge of it, or for the suppression of erroneous opinions,' had become corrupt by frequent copying—that, at the instigation of the well-known scholar MohoM- watte Gunananda, these five had had the texts corrected and restored by several learned Bhikkhus kipa namak lawa , and had had indices and a glossary added, and now published the thus revised and improved edition.

The Sinhalese translation, thus introduced to us, follows the Pali throughout, except that it here and there adds, in the way of gloss, extracts from one or other of the numerous Pkaka texts referred to, and also that it starts with a prophecy, p. And no other mention of the work has, as yet, been discovered in any older Sinhalese author. But in the present deplorable state of our ignorance of the varied and ancient literature of Ceylon, the argument ex silentio would be simply of no value. Now that the Ceylon Government have introduced into the Legislative Council a bill for the utilisation, in the interests of education, of the endowments of the Buddhist monasteries, it may be hoped that the value of the books written in those monasteries will not be forgotten, and that a sufficient yearly sum will be put aside for the editing and publication of a literature of such great historical value 2.

At present we can only deplore the impossibility of tracing the history of the 'Questions of Milinda' in other works written by the scholarly natives of its southern home. That it will be mentioned in those works there can be 11 p. XIV but little doubt.

For the great Indian writer, who long ago found in that beautiful and peaceful island the best scope for his industrious scholarship, is already known to have: mentioned the book no less than four times in his commentaries; and that in such a manner that we may fairly hope to find other references to it when his writings shall, have been more completely published.

In his commentary on the Book of the Great Decease, VI, 3, Buddhaghosa refers to the quotation of that passage made in the conversation between Milinda and Nagasena, translated below, at IV, 2, 1 i. And again, in his commentary on the Ambattha Sutta D. Ill, 2, 12 he quotes the words of a conversation between Milinda and Nagasena on the subject he is there discussing. The actual words he uses they will be found at pp. Trenckner's text pp. The above two references in Buddhaghosa to our author were pointed out by myself.

Morris has pointed out two others, and in each of those also Buddhaghosa is found to quote words differing from Mr. Trenckner's text. The former of these two was mentioned in a letter to the 'Academy' of the 12th November, In the Manoratha Pvirara, his commentary on the Awguttara, on the passage marked in Dr. XV pavattitassa Aittassa sankham pi na upenti kalam pi na upenti kala-bhagam pi na upentiti. Trenckner's edition, translated below at IV, 1, But the question is not found there at all, and the answer, though much the same in the published text, still differs in the concluding words.

Trenckner marks the passage in his text as corrupt, and it may well be that Buddhaghosa has preserved for us an older and better reading. It is in the comment on the Brahmayu Suttanta, and as it is not accessible elsewhere I give this passage also in full herb. With reference, oddly enough, to the same passage referred to above pp. It would be premature to attempt to arrive at the reason of this difference between Buddhaghosa's citations and Mr.

Trenckner's edition of the text. It may be that Buddhaghosa is consciously summarising, or that he is quoting roughly from memory, or that he is himself translating or summarising from the original work, or that he is quoting from another Pali version, or that he is quoting from another recension of the text of the existing Pali version. We must have the full text of all his references to the 'Questions of Milinda' before us, before we try to choose between these, and possibly other, alternative explanations. What is at present certain is that when p.

And more than that. He introduces his comment above referred to on the kmbattha Sutta by saying, after simply quoting the words of the text he is explaining: 'What would be the use of any one else saying anything on this? For Nagasena, the Elder, himself said as follows in reply to Milinda, the king i'— and he then quotes Nagasena, and adds not a word of his own.

It follows that the greatest of all Buddhist writers known to us by name regarded the 'Questions of Milinda' as a work of so great authority that an opinion put by its author into the mouth of Nagasena should be taken as decisive. And this is not only the only book, outside the Pali Pifakas, which Buddhaghosa defers to in this way, it is the only book, except the previous commentaries, which he is known even to refer to at all.

But, on the other hand, he says nothing in these passages to throw any further light on the date, or any light on the authorship, of the work to which he assigns so distinguished, even so unique, a position. So far as to what is known about our 'Questions of Milinda' in Ceylon. The work also exists, certainly in Pali, and probably in translations into the local dialects, in Burma and Siam.

For Mr. Trenckner mentions Introduction, p. Rost, there is another copy in that character in the Colombo Museum 2, and Mr. Scott, of the Burmese Civil Service, has sent to England a Burmese Nissaya of the Milinda, a kind of translation, giving the Pali text, word for word, followed by the interpretation of those words in Burmese 3.

Trenckner at p. XVll [paragraph continues] Introduction to his edition. It may be noticed here that there are seven MSS. Three only of these seven have been used by Mr. Trenckner for his very able and accurate edition of the text, published in That is all the external evidence at present available. What can be inferred from the book itself is about as follows. It consists of the discussion of a number of points of Buddhist doctrine treated in the form of conversations between King Milinda and Nagasena the Elder Thera.

It must be plain to every reader of the following pages that these are not real conversations. What we have before us is really an historical romance, though the didactic aim overshadows the story. Men of straw, often very skilfully put together, are set up for the purpose, not so much of knocking them down again, as of elucidating some points of ethical or psychological belief while doing so. The king himself plays a very subordinate part.

The questions raised, or dilemmas stated, are put into his mouth. But the solutions, to give opportunity for which the questions or dilemmas are invented, are the really important part of the work, and these are put into the mouth of Nagasena. The dialogues are introduced by a carefully constructed p. XVlll 14 preliminary story, in which the reader's interest in them is aroused by anticipation. And the ability of this part of the work is very great. For in spite of the facts that all the praise lavished therein upon both Milinda and Nagasena is in reality only praise of the book itself, and that the reader knows this very well, yet he will find it almost impossible to escape from the influence of the eloquent words in which importance and dignity are lent to the occasion of their meeting; and of the charm and skill with which the whole fiction is maintained.

The question then arises whether the personages were any more real than the conversations. Milinda is supposed to be the Menander, who appears in the list of the Greek kings of Baktria, since he is described in the book as being a king of the Yonakas reigning at Sagala the Euthydemia of the Greeks , and there is no other name in the list which comes so near to Milinda.

This identification of the two names is certainly correct.

For whether it was our author who deliberately made the change in adapting the Greek name to the Indian dialect in which he wrote, or whether the change is due to a natural phonetic decay, the same causes will have been of influence. Indra or Inda is a not uncommon termination of Indian names, and meaning king is so appropriate to a king, that a foreign king's name ending in -ander would almost inevitably come to end in -inda. Then the sequence of the liquids of m-n-n would tend in an Indian dialect to be altered in some way by dissimilation, and Mr.

Trenckner adduces seven instances in Pali of 1 taking the place of n, or n of 1, in similar circumstances 1. There remains only the change of the first E in Menander to I. Now in the Indian part of the inscription, on undoubted coins of Menander, the oldest authorities read Minanda as the king's name 2, and though that interpretation has now, on the authority of better specimens, been given up, there is no doubt that Milinda runs more easily p. So Men-ander became Mil-inda. It may be added here that other Greek names are mentioned by our author —Devamantiya at I, 42, and the same officer, together with Anantakaya, Mankura, and Sabbadinna, at II, 3.

There is a similar effort in these other Pali forms of Greek words to make them give some approach to a meaning in the Indian dialect: but in each case the new forms remain as really unintelligible to an Indian as Mil-inda would be. Thus Deva-mantiya, which may be formed on Demetrios, looks, at first sight, Indian enough. But if it meant anything, it could only mean 'counsellor of the gods.

But the compound Ananta-kaya would mean 'having an infinite body,' which is absurd as the name of a courtier. It may possibly be made up to represent Antiochos. What Mankura and Sabbadinna called 15 simply Dinna at p. But the identification of Milinda with Menander is as certain as that of Xandagutta with Sandrokottos. Very little is told us, in the Greek or Roman writers, about any of the Greek kings of Baktria. It is a significant fact that it is precisely of Menander-Milinda that they tell us most, though this most is unfortunately not much.

Strabo, in his Geography 2, mentions Menander as one of the two Baktrian kings who were instrumental in spreading the Greek dominion furthest to the East into India. He crossed the Hypanis that is the Sutlej and penetrated as far as the Isamos probably the Jumna. Then in the title of the lost forty-first book of Justin's work, Menander and Apollodotus are mentioned as Indian kings.

XX [paragraph continues] He was, he says, as a ruler noted for justice, and enjoyed such popularity with his subjects, that upon his death, which took place in camp, diverse cities contended for the possession of his ashes. The dispute was only adjusted by the representatives of the cities agreeing that the relics should be divided amongst them, and that they should severally erect monuments uvr [j.

This last statement is very curious as being precisely analogous to the statement in the 'Book of the Great Decease 1,' as to what occurred after the death of the Buddha himself. But it would be very hazardous to draw any conclusion from this coincidence. The only remaining ancient evidence about Menander-Milinda apart from what is said by our author himself , is that of coins. And, as is usually the case, the evidence of the coins will be found to confirm, but to add very little to, what is otherwise known.

As many as twenty-two 2 different coins have been discovered, some of them in very considerable numbers, bearing the name, and eight of them the effigy, of Menander. They have been found over a very wide extent of country, as far west as Kabul, as far east as Mathura, and one of them 16 as far north as Kashmir.

Curiously enough we find a confirmation of this wide currency of Menander-Milinda's coins in the work of the anonymous author of the 'Periplus Maris Erythraei. The portrait on the coins is very characteristic, with a long face and an intelligent expression, and is sometimes that of a young man, and at other times that of a very old man.

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It may be inferred therefore that his reign p. All the coins have a legend in Greek letters on one side, and a corresponding legend in Ariano-pali letters on the other side. But when he wrote, in , the alphabet was neither so well known as it is now, nor had such good examples come to hand.

So that though the Mi- is plain enough on several coins, it is almost certainly a mere mistake for Me, from which it only differs by the centre vowel stroke being slightly prolonged. Fifteen of the coins have a figure of Pallas either on one side or the other. A 'victory,' a horse jumping, a dolphin, a head perhaps of a god , a two-humped camel, an elephant goad, a boar, a wheel, and a palm branch are each found on one side or the other of one of the coins; and an elephant, an owl, and a bull's head each occur twice.

These are all the emblems or figures on the coins. None of them are distinctively Buddhist, 17 though the wheel might be claimed as the Buddhist wheel, and the palm branch and the elephant would be quite in place on Buddhist coins. It may be said, therefore, that the bulk of the coins are clearly pagan, and not Buddhist; and that though two or three are doubtful, even they are probably not Buddhist, One coin, however, a very rare one, differs, as to its inscription, from all the rest that have the legend. XXll Is any reference intended here to the Buddhist Dharma as distinct from the ordinary righteousness of kings?

I think not. The coin is one of those with the figure of Pallas on the side which bears the Greek legend, and five others of the Baktrian Greek kings use a similar legend on their coins. There is also another coin in the series with a legend into which the word Dharma enters, but which has not yet been deciphered with certainty—that bearing in the Greek legend the name of Sy-Hermaios, and supposed to have been struck by Kadphises I. If there is anything Buddhist in this coin of Menander's, then the others also must be Buddhist.

But it is much simpler to take the word dharmikasa in the sense of the word used in the corresponding Greek legend, and to translate it simply 'the Righteous,' or, better still, 'the Just. The use of this epithet is very probably the foundation of the tradition preserved by Plutarch, that Menander was, as a ruler, noted for justice; and it is certainly evidence of the Buddhist influences by which he was surrounded.

But it is no evidence at all that he actually became a Buddhist. To sum up. He was certainly one of the most important, probably the most important, of those kings. He carried the Greek arms further into India than any of his predecessors had done, and everything confirms the view given by our author at I, 9 of his justice and his power, of his ability and his wealth. He must have reigned for a considerable time in the latter p.

And, as was referred to above, Plutarch has preserved the tradition that he died in camp, in a campaign against the Indians in the valley of the Ganges. Now among the very numerous coins of the Baktrian kings there is one, and only one, giving in the legend, not the name of a king, but the name of a city, the city of Karisi. As this coin was struck about B. If that be so, then that they gave the name Alasanda Alexandria to the island on which the town was built, and not to the town itself, seems to show that the town was not founded by them, but was already an important place when they took it.

When our author says that Milinda, was converted to Buddhism 3, he may be either relating an actual tradition, or he may be inventing for his own purposes. There is nothing inherently impossible, or even improbable, in the story. We know that all the Baktrians, kings and people alike, eventually became 19 p. XXIV [paragraph continues] Buddhist. But the passage occurs in a part of the book which is open to much doubt. We have to place against it the negative evidence that none of Menander's coins show any decisive signs of his conversion.

And the passage in question goes much further. It says that he afterwards gave up the kingdom to his son, and having entered the Buddhist Order, attained to Arahatship. The Sinhalese MSS. Trenckner is therefore of opinion 1 that it belongs to a spurious supplement. That may be so, in spite of the fact that it is quite in our author's style, and forms an appropriate close to the book.

But it is incredible that an author of the literary skill so evident throughout the work should have closed his book deliberately in the middle of a paragraph, without any closing words to round it off. The Siamese MS. There must have been some conclusion, if not in the manner of the paragraph under discussion, then in some other words which we may not be able to trace.

But even if our author actually wrote that Menander did become a Bhikkhu and an Arahat, that is very poor evidence of the fact, unless he not only intended what he states to be taken quite literally, but also wrote soon after the events he thus deliberately records. Now the opinion has been expressed above that we have to deal with a book of didactic ethics and religious controversy cast into the form of historical romance.

If this is correct no one would be more astonished than the author himself at the inconsistency of modern critics if they took his historical statements au grand serieux, while they made light of his ethical arguments. It is true that he would scarcely have been guilty of anything that seemed grossly improbable, at the time when he wrote, to the readers whom he addressed. But if, as is most probable, he wrote in North-Western p.

XXV [paragraph continues] India when the memory of the actual facts of Menander's reign was fading away —that is, some generations after his death—he may well have converted him to Buddhism, as the most fitting close to the discussion he records, without intending at all to convey thereby any real historical event. This brings us to the next point of our argument.

Can its date be determined with greater accuracy than this? None of these persons and none of these places are read of elsewhere in any Buddhist text, whether Sanskrit or Pali. For the Asvagupta referred to in passing at p. The famous Buddhist scholar so called was the reputed founder of the Mahayana school of Buddhism. Our Nagasena represents throughout the older teaching. If there is any connection at all between the two names, Nagasena must have been invented as a contrast to Nagarguwa, and not with the least idea of identifying two men whose doctrines are so radically opposed.

Even were there any reason to believe this to be the case, it would not help us much, for the date p. It would be very interesting if the former were our Nagasena. And if Schiefner's restoration of the name found in his Tibetan authority be correct, and the authority itself be trustworthy, it is possibly the fading memory of that Nagasena which induced our author to adopt the name as that of the principal interlocutor in his 'Questions of Milinda.

If this is not a joke, it is a strange piece of credulity. That he was a Hindu who believed in the soul- theory of the current animistic creed, while all the opinions put into Nagasena's mouth are those of a thorough-going Buddhist and non- individualist, is to count as nothing against this chance similarity, not of names, but of the name on one side with an epithet on the other. XXV11 [paragraph continues] But it is deliberately put forward to support an accusation against the Buddhists of having falsely appropriated to themselves every famous man in India 1.

Any mud, it would seem, is good enough to pelt the Buddhists with. Yet who is it, after all, who really makes the 'appropriation,' the Buddhists or Professor Kern himself? It would seem, therefore, that most of our author's person and place names are probably inventions of his own 2. But it is quite different with the books quoted by our author. In several passages he has evidently in his mind certain Pali texts which deal with similar matters. So far as yet ascertained the texts thus silently referred to, either in. XXVlll Page of this volume. Page of the Pali Text. Gataka vol. Gataka Nos.

Nikaya, No. In several other passages he refers to a Pali book, or a chapter in a Pali book, by name. This is much more valuable for our purposes than the silent, and sometimes doubtful, references in the last list. So far as is yet ascertained, these references are as follows: p. XXIX Page of this volume. XVI, 5,2 4. Lastly, our author quotes a large number of passages from the Pifaka texts, which he introduces without naming any book by the formulas: It was said by the Blessed One;' or, 'It is said by you' you in the plural, you members of the Order ; or, It was said by so and so' naming some particular member of the Order.

A great many of these quotations have already been traced, either by Mr. Trenckner or myself. Occasionally words thus attributed, by our author, to the Buddha, are, in the Pifakas, attributed to some one else. Such passages are distinguished in the following list by an asterisk added to the letter B, which marks those of them attributed by our author to the Buddha.

The women quoted are distinguished by the title 'Sister. Sister Vagira. Sawyutta Nikaya V, 10, 6. II, 9, p. Not traced. II, 1,11, p. II, 3, 1, p. Magghima Nikaya XXI. II, 3, 2, p. II, 4, 3, p. Ill, 4, 4, p. Anguttara III, 35,4. Ill, 1, 10, p. IV, 1, 35, p. IV, 1, 42, p. In the Sutta. IV, 1,55, p. Digha Nikaya XIV, 5, XXX11 ,1,67, p. You ,1,67, p. You ,1,71, p. You Not traced. Digha Nikaya XIV, 6, 3. Dhammapada Not traced Dhammapada , 8.

Various see note. IV, 3, 1, p. Aggafina Sutta DTgha. IV, 3, 5, p.

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Paragika I, 5, IV, 3, 19, p. Gataka III, GatakalV, IV, 3, 21, p. The Theras. IV, 3, 24, p. You IV, 3, 27, p. You IV, 3, 31, p. IV, 3, 31, p. IV, 3, 33, p. IV, 3, 35, p. IV, 3, 38, p. IV, 4,1, p. IV, 4, 4, p. IV, 4, 9, p. IV, 4, 11, p.

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Maha-parinibbana Sutta D. XVI, 5, I, 1, 5. Sela Sutta SN. Ill, 7, 7. The st Gataka. Dhaniya Sutta SN. I, 2, 2. Anguttaral, 14, 1. Anguttara III, XXX IV, 4, 13, p. IV, 4, 13, p. IV, 4, 16, p. You IV, 4, 17, p. You IV, 4, 42, p. IV, 4, 44, p. IV, 4, 46, p. You The Pali Text. Sutta Vibhanga Par. Anguttara XI, 2, 5, and the th Gataka. The th Gataka. Muni Sutta SN. I, 12, 3. Magghima Nikaya Anguttaral, 14, 4. Sawyutta Nikaya XXI. It is said. Gataka No. ATzaddanta Gataka vol. Magghima Nikaya No. II II , 1. Ill, 7, Kapi Gataka vol. Magghima I, p. Magghima No. Anguttaral, 15, Sawyutta Nikaya Sawyutta 6, 14 vol.

Dhammapada taken in part from Anguttara III, 79 , 1. SawyuttaXX, 8, 5. Thera-gatha Not traced see S. XII, 63, 8. Maha KaMayana. Sawyutta 46, 7. KuWa Panthaka. Sutta Nipata I, 2, The Theras who held the Synod at Ragagaha. Sawyutta I, 17, 2 Vol. Magghima vol.

Sawyutta 55, 7. XVI, 2, 12 ,1. Sutasoma Gataka No. Sister Subhadda. Kawha Gataka, vol. Magghima Nikaya, No. SuttaNipata 1, 12, 1. Dhammapada 8 1. B Dhammapada from SN. M, 9, Sawyutta Nikaya XVI, 3. AnguttaraX, 5, 8. MaM Kassapa. Magghima Nikaya vol. SamyuttaNikaya III, 5, 6 vol. SamyuttaNikaya XVI, 1, 3 vol. Sawyutta Nikaya VI, 2,4 vol. Kulla-narada Gataka vol. SamyuttaNikaya vol. Thera-gatha , 3. Sariputta ,1. Not traced i ii ii Sutta Nipata II, 6, Sutta Nipata not traced i ,1. Now the Pali Pifakas consist of the following twenty- nine books: Title.

Mahavagga b. The Magghima Nikaya great Nikayas. The Samyutta Nikaya 7. The Anguttara Nikaya Total 8. The repeaters of the DTgha add these to the Sutta Pifaka. The repeaters of the Magghima add them to the Abhidhamma Pifaka. The Theri-Gatha 35 The Gatakas 70 47 The Niddesa The Patisambhida The Apadanas The Vibhanga The Katha Vatthu The Dhatu Katha The Yamakas If our English Bible, in the older authorised version, were to be printed in the same manner and type and on the same size of page, it would occupy about 5, pages.

So that the Buddhist Bible without its repetitions some of which are very frequent, and others very long , would only occupy about double the space of the English Bible. This would not have been a literature too large to be familiarly known to our author. What is the conclusion which can fairly be drawn, from a comparison of the last list with those preceding it, as to his knowledge of those books now held, by living Buddhists, to be canonical? The answer to this question will be of some importance for another reason beyond the help it will afford towards settling the date of the: original 'Questions of Milinda.

Now not one of the seven titles which occur in the edict is identical with any of the twenty-nine in the last list. Whereupon certain Indianists have rejoiced at being able to score a point, as they think, against these p. That would be much the same as if a Japanese scholar, at a time when he knew little or nothing of Christianity, except the names of the books in the Bible, were to have found an open letter of Constantine's in which he urges both the clergy and laity to look upon the Word of God as their only authority, and to constantly repeat and earnestly meditate upon the Psalm of the Shepherd, the words of Lemuel, the Prophecy of the Servant of the Lord, the Sermon on the Mount, the Exaltation of Charity, the Question of Nicodemus, and the story of the Prodigal Son—and that our Oriental critic should jump to the conclusion that the canonical books of the Christians could not have been known in the time of Constantine, and that the Christianity of Constantine was 49 really quite different from, and much more simple than the Christianity of the Bible.

As a matter of fact the existence of such a letter would prove very little, either way, as to the date of the books in the Bible as we now have them. If our Japanese scholar were to discover afterwards a Christian work, even much later than the time of Constantine, in which the canonical books of the Christians were both quoted and referred to, he would have much surer ground for a sounder historical criticism. And he would possibly come to see that the seven portions selected for special honour and commendation were not intended as an exhaustive list even of remarkable passages, much less for an exhaustive list of canonical books, but that the number seven was merely chosen in deference to the sacred character attaching to that number in the sacred literature.

Such a book is our Milinda. However, in the Vajira Sutta the nun was speaking to the demon, Mara. Another way to understand the chariot simile is to imagine the chariot being taken apart. At what point in the dis-assembly does the chariot cease to be a chariot? We can update the simile to make it an automobile.

As we disassemble the car, at what point is it not a car? When we take off the wheels? When we remove the seats? When we pry off the cylinder head? Any judgment we make is subjective. Perhaps you may argue that a pile of car parts is still a car, just not an assembled one. The point is, though, that "car" and "chariot" are concepts we project onto the constituent parts. But there is no "car" or "chariot" essence that somehow dwells within the parts. Share Flipboard Email. The King answered no to each question.

Then there is no chariot!

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Nagasena said. Continue Reading. Learn Religions uses cookies to provide you with a great user experience. And he exclaimed in bitterness of soul: 'Empty forsooth are these Vedas, and as chaff. There is in them neither reality, nor worth, nor essential truth! And he robed himself, and taking his alms-bowl in his hand, he vanished from Vattaniya and appeared near the Brahman village Kagangala. And young Nagasena, as he stood again in the doorway, saw him coming in the distance. At the sight of him he became happy and glad, and a sweet hope sprang up in his heart that from him he might learn the essential truth.

And he went [11] to him, and said: 'Who art thou, Sir, that thou art thus bald-headed, and wearest yellow robes? And why do they call thee "one who has abandoned? It is for that reason, my child, that they call me a recluse. And what are those sixteen 1? The impediments of ornamenting it, and decking it out, of putting oil upon it, of shampooing it, of placing garlands round it, of using scents and unguents, and myrobalan seeds, and dyes, and ribbons, and combs, of calling in the barber, of unravelling curls, and of the possibility of vermin.

When their hair falls off they are grieved and harassed; yea, they lament sometimes, and cry, and beat their breasts, or fall headlong in a swoon— and entangled by these and such impediments men may forget those parts of wisdom or learning which are delicate and subtle. But whatsoever dangers lurk in dress he who wears the yellow robes knows nothing of. It is for that reason that my dress is not as other men's. Then young Nagasena took the alms-bowl the venerable Rohana was carrying, and led him into the house, and with his own hand supplied him with food, hard and soft, as much as he required.

And when he saw that he had finished his meal, and withdrawn his hand from the bowl, he said to him: 'Now, Sir, will you teach me that hymn? So young [12] Nagasena went to his father and mother, and said: 'This recluse says he knows the best hymn in the world, but that he cannot teach it to any one who has not entered the Order as his pupil.

I should like to enter the Order and learn that hymn. Then the venerable Rohana took Nagasena to the Vattaniya hermitage, to the Vigamba Vatthu, and having spent the night there, took him on to the Guarded Slope, and there, in the midst of the innumerable company of the Arahats, young Nagasena was admitted, as a novice, into the Order. And then, when he had been admitted to the Order, the venerable Nagasena said to the venerable Rohana: 'I have adopted your dress; now teach me that hymn.

Debate of King Milinda, The: An Abridgement of the Milinda Panha -

And the venerable Nagasena, after hearing it repeated but once, knew by heart the whole of the Abhidhamma— that is to say, the Dhamma Sangara, with its great divisions into good, bad, and indifferent qualities, and its subdivisions into couples and triplets 1— the Vibhanga, with its eighteen chapters, beginning with the book on the constituent elements of beings—the DMtu KatM, with its fourteen books, beginning with that on compensation and non-compensation— the Puggala.

Pawwatti, with its six divisions into discrimination of the various constituent elements, discrimination of the various senses and of the properties they apprehend, and so on 2— the Katha Vatthu, with its thousand sections, five hundred on as many points P. And he said [13]: 'That will do, Sir. You need not propound it again. That will suffice for my being able to rehearse it. Then Nagasena went to the innumerable company of the Arahats, and said: 'I should like to propound the whole of the Abhidhamma Pifaka, without abridgement, arranging it under the three heads of good, bad, and indifferent qualities.

And in seven months the venerable Nagasena recited the seven books of the Abhidhamma in full. And the earth thundered, the gods shouted their applause, the Brahma gods clapped their hands, and there came down a shower from heaven of sweet-scented sandal-wood dust, and of Mandarava flowers! And the innumerable company of the Arahats, then and there at the Guarded Slope, admitted the venerable Nagasena, then twenty years of age, to full membership in the higher grade of the Order. Now the next day after he had thus been admitted into full membership in the Order, the venerable Nagasena robed himself at dawn, and taking his bowl, accompanied his teacher on his round for alms to the village below.

And as he went this thought arose within him: 'It was, after all, empty-headed and foolish of my teacher to leave the rest of the Buddha's word aside, and teach me the Abhidhamma first! I must ask his pardon. You will have earned your pardon, Nagasena, when you shall have gone there, and overcome that king in argument, and brought him to take delight in the truth. But when he found it was of no avail, he said: 'Where, Sir, do you advise me to spend the three months of the rains now coming on i?

Go, Nagasena, to him; and in my name bow down to his feet, and say: "My teacher, holy one, salutes you reverently, and asks whether you are in health and ease, in full vigour and comfort. He has sent me here to pass p. But when he asks you his own name, say: "My teacher, Sir, knows your name. And on his arrival he saluted the venerable Assagutta, and said exactly what he had been told to say, [15] and to the last reply Assagutta said: 'Very well then, Nagasena, put by your bowl and robe. The Elder swept out the cell again, threw away the water and the tooth-cleansers, and fetched others, and said not a word of any kind.

So it went on for seven days. On the seventh the Elder again asked him the same questions as before. And on Nagasena again making the same replies, he gave him leave to pass the rainy season there. Now a certain woman, a distinguished follower of the faith, had for thirty years and more administered to the wants of the venerable Assagutta.

And at the end of that rainy season she came one day to him, and asked whether there was any other brother staying with him. And when she was told that there was one, named Nagasena, she invited the Elder, and Nagasena, with him, to take their midday meal the next day at her house. And the Elder signified, by silence, his consent. The next forenoon the Elder robed himself, and taking his bowl in his hand, went down, accompanied by Nagasena as his p. And she gave to both of them food, hard and soft, as much as they required, waiting upon them with her own hands.

When Assagutta had finished his meal, and the hand was withdrawn from the bowl, he said to Nagasena: 'Do thou, Nagasena, give the thanks to this distinguished lady. And the lady said to Nagasena: 'I am old, friend Nagasena. Let the thanksgiving be from the deeper things of the faith.

And as the lady sat there listening, there arose in her heart the Insight into the Truth 3, clear and stainless, which perceives that whatsoever has beginning, that has the inherent quality of passing away. And Nagasena also, when he had concluded that thanksgiving discourse, felt the force of the truths he himself had preached, and he too arrived at insight 4— he too p.

Then the venerable Assagutta, as he was sitting in his arbour, was aware that they both had attained to insight, and he exclaimed: 'Well done! Now the venerable Nagasena arose and returned to Assagutta, and saluting him, took a seat reverently apart. And Assagutta said to him: 'Do thou now go, Nagasena, to Pafaliputta. There, in the Asoka Park, dwells the venerable Dhamma-rakkhita. Under him you should learn the words of the Buddha.

It will be difficult to get food on the way. How shall I get there? You shall get food on the way, rice from which the black grains have been picked out, with curries and gravies of various sorts. And when he saw the venerable Nagasena coming in the distance, he stopped the waggons, and saluted Nagasena, and asked him: 'Whither art thou going, father? We too are going thither. It will be more convenient for thee to go with us.

And when the meal was over, he took a low seat, and sat down reverently apart. So seated, he said to the venerable Nagasena: 'What, father, is your name? I am a student of the Abhidhamma, and so art thou. Repeat to me, father, some passages from it. And the Pafaliputta merchant sent on his p. And at a place where the road divided, not far from Pafaliputta, he stopped, and said to Nagasena: 'This is the turning to the Asoka Park. Now I have here a rare piece of woollen stuff, sixteen cubits by eight.

And the merchant, pleased and glad, with joyful heart, and full of content and happiness, saluted the venerable Nagasena, and keeping him on his right hand as he passed round him, went on his way. But Nagasena went on to the Asoka Park to Dhamma-rakkhita. And after saluting him, and telling him on what errand he had come, he learnt by heart, from the mouth of the venerable Dhamma-rakkhita, the whole of the three baskets i of the Buddha's word in three months, and after a single recital, so far as the letter that is, knowing the words by heart was concerned..

And in three months more he mastered the spirit that is, the deeper meaning of the sense of the words. And on that very day, at night, he attained to Arahatship and with it to the fourfold power of that Wisdom possessed by all Arahats that is to say: the realisation of the sense, and the appreciation of the deep religious teaching contained in the word, the power of intuitive judgment, and the power of correct and ready exposition 1.

And at the moment of his penetrating the truth all the gods shouted their approval, and the earth thundered, and the Brahma gods clapped their hands, and there fell from heaven a shower of sweet-scented sandal dust and of Mandarava flowers. Now at that time the innumerable company of the Arahats at the Guarded Slope in the Himalaya mountains sent a message to him to come, for they were anxious to see him. And when he heard the message the venerable Nagasena vanished from the Asoka Park and appeared before them. And they said: TSTagasena, that king Milinda is in the habit of harassing the brethren by knotty questions and by argumentations this way and that.

Do thou, Nagasena, go and [19] master him. I will break all those puzzles up and solve them. You may go fearlessly to Sagala.

See a Problem?

At that time the venerable Ayupala was living at the Sankheyya hermitage. And king Milinda said to his counsellors: 'Beautiful is the night and pleasant! Who is the wandering teacher or Brahman we can visit to night to question him who will be able to converse with us and to resolve our doubts? He is living now at the Sankheyya hermitage. To him you might go, O king, and put your questions to him. Let the venerable one be informed that we are coming.

No-self (anatta) in The Questions of King Milinda

And the venerable one said: Let him come. And then he said to him: At the time when the Blessed One set rolling the royal chariot wheel of the kingdom of righteousness at Benares, at the Deer Park, [20] eighteen koris of the Brahma gods, and an innumerable company of other gods, attained to comprehension of the truth i.

And not one of those beings, all of whom were laymen, had renounced the world. And again when the Blessed One delivered the Maha Samaya discourse 2, and the discourse on the 'Greatest Blessing 3,' 87 32 and the Exposition of Quietism 1, and the Exhortation to Rahula 2, the multitude of gods who attained to comprehension of the truth cannot be numbered. And not one of those beings, all of whom were laymen, had renounced the world 3.

It must be in consequence of sins committed in some former birth, that the Buddhist Samanas renounce the world, and even subject themselves to the restraints of one or other of the thirteen aids to purity 4! Those who remain on one seat till they have finished their repast were, forsooth, in some former birth, thieves who robbed other men of their food. It is in consequence of the Karma of having so deprived others of food that they have now only such food as they can get at one sitting; and are not allowed to eat from time to time as they want.

It is no virtue on their part, no meritorious abstinence, no righteousness of life. And they who live in the open air were, forsooth, in some former birth, dacoits who plundered whole villages. It is in consequence of the Karma of having destroyed other people's homes, that they live now without a home, and are not allowed the use of huts. And those who never lie down, they, forsooth, in some former birth, were highwaymen who seized travellers, and bound them, and left them sitting there. It is in consequence of the Karma of that habit that they have become Nesaggika in this life men who always sit and get no beds to lie on.

It is no virtue on their part, no meritorious abstinence, no righteousness of life! And when he had thus spoken the venerable Ayupala was silenced, and had not a word to say in reply. Then the five hundred Yonakas said to the king: 'The Elder, O king, is learned, but is also diffident.

It is for that reason that he makes no rejoinder. But the king on seeing how silent Ayupala had become, clapped his hands [21] and cried out: All India is an empty thing, it is verily like chaff! There is no one, either Samana or Brahman, capable of discussing things with me and dispelling my doubts 1! Now at that time the venerable Nagasena, after making his alms-tour through the villages, towns, and cities, had in due course arrived at Sagala, attended by a band of Samawas, as the leader of a company of the Order; the head of a body of disciples; the teacher of a school; famous and renowned, and highly esteemed by the people.

And he was learned, clever, wise, sagacious, and able; a skilful expounder, of subdued manners, but full of courage; well versed in tradition, master of the three Baskets Pifakas , and erudite in Vedic lore 1. He was in possession of the highest Buddhist insight, a master of all that had been handed down in the schools, and of the various discriminations 2 by which the most abstruse points can be explained. He knew by heart the ninefold divisions of the doctrine of the Buddha to perfection 3, and was equally skilled in discerning both the spirit and the letter of the Word.

Endowed with instantaneous and varied power of repartee, and wealth of language, and beauty of eloquence, he was difficult to equal, and still more difficult to excel, difficult to answer, to repel, or to refute. He was imperturbable as the depths of the sea, immovable as the king of mountains; victorious in the struggle with evil, a dispeller P. Honoured and revered by the brethren and sisters of the Order, and its lay adherents of either sex, and by kings and their high officials, he was in the abundant receipt of all the requisites of a member of the Order—robes and bowl and lodging, and whatever is needful for the sick—receiving the highest veneration no less than material gifts.

To the wise and discerning who came to him with listening ear he displayed the ninefold jewel of the Conqueror's word, he pointed out to them the path of righteousness, bore aloft for them the torch of truth, set up for them the sacred pillar of the truth 1, and celebrated for their benefit the sacrifice of the truth. For them he waved the banner, raised the standard, blew the trumpet, and beat the drum of truth. And with his mighty lion's voice, [22] like Indra's thunder but sweet the while, he poured out upon them a plenteous shower, heavy with drops of mercy, and brilliant with the coruscations of the lightning flashes of his knowledge, of the nectar waters of the teaching of the Nirvawa of the truth— thus satisfying to the full a thirsty world.

There then, at the Sankheyya hermitage, did the venerable Nagasena, with a numerous company of the brethren, dwell 2. Therefore is it said: p. Him, Nagasena of clear mind and wisdom deep, Who knew which was the right Path, which the false, And had himself attained Nirvana's placid heights! Attended by the wise, by holders to the Truth, He had gone from town to town, and come to Sagala; And now he dwelt there in Sankheyya's grove, Appearing, among men, like the lion of the hills.

And Devamantiya said to king Milinda: 'Wait a little, great king, wait a little! There is an Elder named Nagasena, learned, able, and wise, of subdued manners, yet full of courage, versed in the traditions, a master of language, and ready in reply, one who understands alike the spirit and the letter of the law, and can expound its difficulties and refute objections to perfection 1. He is staying at present at the Sankheyya hermitage.

You should go, great king, and put your questions to him. He is able to discuss things with you, and dispel your doubts. But he asked Devamantiya: 'Is that really so? And Nagasena sent word back that he might come. And the king, attended by the five hundred Yonakas, mounted his royal chariot, and proceeded with a great retinue to the Sankheyya hermitage, and to the place where Nagasena dwelt. At that time the venerable Nagasena was seated with the innumerable company of the brethren of the Order, in the open hall in front of the hermitage 1.

So king Milinda saw the assembly from afar, and he said to Devamantiya: 'Whose, Devamantiya, is this so mighty retinue? Then at the sight there came over king Milinda a feeling of fear and of anxiety, and the hairs of his body stood on end 1. I shall pick him out unaided. Now Nagasena was junior in seniority reckoned from the date of his full membership in the P. And as he looked over the whole of the assembly, in front, and down the centre, and behind, king Milinda detected Nagasena seated in the middle, and, like a shaggy lion who knows no fear or frenzy, entirely devoid of nervous agitation, and free from shyness and trepidation.

And as soon as he saw him, he knew by his mien that that was Nagasena, and he pointed him out to Devamantiya. Yes, great king,' said he, 'that is Nagasena. Well hast thou, Sire, recognised the sage. But nevertheless, at the sight of him, the king was seized with nervous excitement and trepidation and fear. Therefore is it said: 'At the sight of Nagasena, wise and pure, Subdued in all that is the best subjection, Milinda uttered this foreboding word— "Many the talkers I have visited, Many the conversations I have had, But never yet, till now, to-day, has fear, So strange, so terrible, o'erpowered my heart.

Verily now defeat must be my lot, And victory his, so troubled is my mind. Footnotes Bahira-katha, literally 'outside talk;' so called in contradistinction to the religious character of the subjects treated of in the remaining books. See below, p. I follow Buddhaghosa's comment on those passages. Trenckner leaves the word untranslated, and Hinari-kumbure says, TEngillen cel-wima,' that is, 'adhering with the finger,' which I do not understand, unless it means the scaling of a document. At IV, 3, 2 5, the context makes it probable that 'law of property' would be the best rendering.

In the Gataka p. There is no expression in English corresponding to this common word in Pali texts. It means any 'religious' in the technical meaning of that word who is not a recluse according to the orthodox Brahman rules. It includes therefore many who were not Buddhists, and also even Brahmans if they had joined the Buddhists or Gains, or any other of the non-conforming, bodies. The Samawas remained in one place during the rains, and for the rest of the year wandered from place to place, promulgating their particular views.

They were not necessarily ascetics in any strict use of that term; though they were usually celibates. See the Sumangala, p. All these six teachers were contemporaries of the Buddha, and lived therefore about five hundred years before Milinda. And the plagiarism is all the more inartistic as the old names are retained, and no explanation is given of their being born twice at an interval of five hundred years. One may indeed ask what is a glaring anachronism to our good Buddhist romancer compared with the advantage of introducing the stock-names when he has to talk of heretics?

But the whole book is so full of literary skill, that it is at least strange that its author should have made this blunder; and there are other reasons for thinking the whole episode an interpolation. The mention of this particular hell as being outside the earth is noteworthy. One would expect to find the Lokantarika hell so described. But there is nothing in the Pali texts yet published as to its position. This blunder, improbable in a writer so learned as our author elsewhere shows himself, is another reason for thinking these sections to be an interpolation.

And it will be seen that, notwithstanding the parade of the six names at the beginning of this episode, the remaining four are no further mentioned. Childers does not give this meaning to the word. But it is the usual one. Compare Sumangala, vol. It is their way of 'returning thanks,' as we should say. The phrase only occurs in this passage. It is literally, 'The three Vedas were well fixed by the boy. Edward Miiller, of Bern London, The work itself is an ethical tractate dealing only with the last of the six the discrimination of individuals.

See the edition by Dr. Morris, published by the Pali Text Society London, So he would spend that time in preparation. This perception of the impermanency of all things and all beings is called 'the Eye for the Truth,' and is the sign of the entrance upon the path to Arahatship, i. It is the same among Buddhists as conversion is among the Christians. Compare Acts xxvi. Childers says this is an attribute of Arahatship and Trenckner translates it 'superior intelligence.

See my Ancient Coins and Measures of Ceylon,' p. This expression is not used in the sacred books of the canon itself. When it first came into use is unknown. This is the earliest passage in which it has hitherto been found in the technical sense of a division of the Scriptures. It was in full use at the time of Buddhaghosa see the Sumangala Vilasini, pp.

The tertium quid of the comparison is not the basket or the box as a receptacle for preservation, but as a means of handing on as Eastern navvies 96 removing earth put it into baskets and pass these latter on from hand to hand. So the expression 'three baskets' means not 'the three collections,' but 'the three bodies of oral tradition as handed down from teacher to teacher.

The meaning of this phrase, which has not been found elsewhere, is doubtful. Trenckner renders 'making it respire the odour of saints. Hinari-kumbure p. It is not certain which Sutta is here referred to. Trenckner identifies it with a short Sutta in the Anguttara II, 4, 5. It is true that the ten short Suttas in A. The one referred to here and also, it may be added, in the Asoka Edicts is probably the shorter one Kula Rahulovada Sutta found both in the Magghima No.

See Trenckner's note on this passage. This is an unusual use of Parami, but it occurs again below, p. Trenckner translates it 'better than any one else. But it is no doubt also intended that the king had heard of his fame. The roof projects beyond the pillars, so that the space within is well shaded, it is a kind of open air drawing-room attached to most hermitages, and may be so small that it can be rightly rendered arbour see above, p.

Usually of wood, sometimes of stone, it is always graceful in appearance and pleasant to use. It is mentioned in the corresponding passage of the Samafifia Phala D. II, See D. This would be in the memory of all his readers, and our author alters the story in this case to show how superior Milinda was to the royal interlocutor in the older dialogue.

This book closes in HTnari-kumbure's Sinhalese version with the title 'Pvirwa Yoga yayi;' and is of course identical with the Pubba-yoga referred to above, p. And Nagasena reciprocated his courtesy, so that the heart of the king was propitiated. And Milinda began by asking, i'How is your Reverence known, and what, Sir, is your name? But although parents, O king, give such a name as Nagasena, or Surasena, or VTrasena, or SThasena, yet this, Sire, —Nagasena and so on—is only a generally understood term, a designation in common use.

For there is no permanent individuality no soul involved in the matter 2. Is it now even possible to approve him in that? Who is it who enjoys such things when given? Who is it who lives a life of righteousness? Who is it who devotes himself to meditation? Who is it who attains to the goal of the Excellent Way, to the Nirvana of Arahatship?

And who is it who destroys living creatures? If that be so there is neither merit nor demerit; there is neither doer nor causer of good or evil deeds 2; there is neither fruit nor result of good or evil Karma 3. Now what is that Nagasena? Do you mean to say that the hair is Nagasena? Nagasena is a mere empty sound. Who then is the Nagasena that we see before us?

It is a falsehood that your reverence has spoken, an untruth! If you were to walk this dry weather on the hot and sandy ground, trampling under foot the gritty, gravelly grains of the hard sand, your feet would hurt you. And as your body would be in pain, your mind would be disturbed, and you would experience a sense of bodily suffering.

How then did you come, on foot, or in a chariot? I came in a carriage. Is it the pole that is the chariot? Chariot is a mere empty sound. What then is the chariot you say you came in? It is a falsehood that your Majesty has spoken, an untruth! There is no such thing as a chariot! You are king over all India, a mighty monarch. Of whom then are you afraid that you speak untruth? And he called upon the Yonakas and the brethren to witness, saying: 'Milinda the king here has said that he came by carriage. But when asked in that case to explain what the carriage was, he is unable to establish what he averred.

Is it, forsooth, possible to approve him in that? It is on account of its having all these things—the pole, and the axle, the wheels, and the framework, the ropes, the yoke, the spokes, and the goad—that it comes under the generally understood term, the designation in common use, of "chariot. Your Majesty has rightly grasped the meaning of "chariot. Well has the puzzle put to you, most difficult though it was, been solved. Were the Buddha himself here he would approve your answer. Well done, well done, Nagasena! And Nagasena asked him: 'Your figure, O king, is now shadowed upon the ground, and reflected in the water, how now, are you the king, or is the reflection the king?

But it is because of me, O king, that the number seven has come into existence; and it is mine in the same sense as the shadow is yours 2. Well has the question put to you, most difficult though it was, been solved! The king said: 'Reverend Sir, will you discuss with me again? Thus do scholars, O king, discuss. It is as a scholar, not as a king, that I will discuss. Let your reverence talk unrestrainedly, as you would with a brother, or a novice, or a lay disciple, or even with a servant. Be not afraid! He is quite capable of discussing things with me.

And I shall have a number of points on which to question him, and before I can ask them all, the sun will set. It would be better to carry on the discussion at home to-morrow. And early the next morning Devamantiya and Anantakaya and Mankura and Sabbadinna. And on Sabbadinna reiterating his suggestion, the 'king rejoined: All this preparation has been made, and I say: p. And Devamantiya and Anantakaya and Mankura went to Nagasena and told him what the king had said.

And the venerable Nagasena robed himself in the forenoon, and taking his bowl in his hand, went to Sagala with the whole company of the brethren. Pray tell me, Sir, how the matter stands. These inhalations and exhalations are merely constituent powers p. And he talked to him from the Abhidhamma 1 to such effect that 1 Anantakaya confessed himself as a supporter of the Order.

And the venerable Nagasena went to the king, and sat down on the seat prepared for him. And the king provided Nagasena and his following with food, both hard and soft, as much as they required: and presented each brother with a suit of garments, and Nagasena himself with a set of three robes. And then he said to him: 'Be pleased to keep your seat here, and with you ten of the brethren. Let the rest depart. Let our discussion be about the truth. Our renunciation is to the end that this sorrow may perish away, and that no further sorrow may arise; the complete passing away, without cleaving to the world, is our highest aim.

Is it for such high reasons that all members of it have joined the Order? Some for those reasons, p. Some have joined us to be safe from being robbed, some harassed by debt, and some perhaps to gain a livelihood. But I thought: "They are wise scholars, these Buddhist Samanas, they will be able to teach me.

The king said: 'Nagasena, is there any one who after death is not reindividualised? The king said: 'Nagasena, he who escapes reindividualisation is it by reasoning that he escapes it? Reasoning is one thing, wisdom p. Sheep and goats, oxen and buffaloes, camels and asses have reasoning, but wisdom they have not. The king said: 'What is the characteristic mark of reasoning, and what of wisdom? Give me an illustration. In this way is it that comprehension is the characteristic of reasoning, but cutting off of wisdom. The king said: 'When you said just now, "And by other good qualities," to which did you refer?

The five moral powers 2— faith, perseverance, mindfulness, meditation, and wisdom-; the seven conditions of Arahatship 3— self-possession, investigation of the Dhamma, perseverance, joy, calm, meditation, and equanimity--; the Path; readiness of memory unbroken self-possession 4; the four kinds of right exertion 5; the four constituent bases of extraordinary powers 6;the four stages of ecstasy 7; the eight forms of spiritual emancipation s; the four modes of self-concentration 9; and the eight states of intense contemplation 10 have each and all of them good conduct the observance of outward morality as their basis.

And to him who builds upon that foundation, O king, all these good conditions will not decrease For it has been said, Sire, by the Blessed One: "Virtue's the base on which the man who's wise Can train his heart, and make his wisdom grow. Thus shall the strenuous Bhikkhu, undeceived, Unravel all the tangled skein of life 2. The king said, Venerable Nagasena, what is the characteristic mark of faith?

And P. I would fain drink. The water is the heart; the royal servants are the recluse; the mud, the sandy atoms, and the bits of water-plants are evil dispositions; and the water-cleansing gem is faith. Now suppose a crowd of people, one after the other, were to come up, and being ignorant of the real breadth or depth of the water, were to stand fearful and hesitating on the brink. And suppose a certain man should arrive, who knowing exactly his own strength and power should gird himself firmly and, with a spring, land himself on the other side. Then the rest of the people, seeing him safe on the other side, would likewise cross.

That is the kind of way in which the recluse, by faith 1, aspires to leap, as it were by a bound, into higher things. For this has been said, O king, by the Blessed One in the Samyutta Nikaya: "By faith he crosses over the stream, By earnestness the sea of life; By steadfastness all grief he stills, By wisdom is he purified 2.

The king said: 'What, Nagasena, is the characteristic mark of perseverance? All those good qualities which it supports do not fall away. For it has been said by the Blessed One: "The persevering hearer of the noble truth, O Bhikkhus, puts away evil and cultivates goodness, puts away that which is wrong and developes in himself that which is right, and thus does he keep himself pure. The king said: 'What, Nagasena, is the characteristic mark of mindfulness 1? That is how repetition is the mark of mindfulness.

That is how keeping up is the mark of mindfulness. The king said: 'What, Nagasena, is the characteristic mark of meditation 3? All good qualities have meditation as their chief, they incline to it, lead up towards it, are as so many slopes up the side of the mountain of meditation. The whole army—elephants, cavalry, war chariots, and bowmen—would have him as their chief, their p. He who is established therein knows things as they really are i. The king said: 'What, Nagasena, is the characteristic mark of wisdom 2? Thus does the recluse who is devoted to effort perceive with the clearest wisdom the impermanency of all beings and things , the suffering that is inherent in individuality , and the absence of any soul.

When the lamp had been brought in it would dispel the darkness, p. Just so would wisdom in a man have such effects as were just now set forth. The king said: 'These qualities which are so different 1, Nagasena, do they bring about one and the same result? The putting an end to evil dispositions. But it is very unreliable as a reproduction of either the Sinhalese or the Pali, and slurs over the doubtful passages. This thesis, that 'there is no individual,' is discussed at the opening of the Katha Vatthu leaf ka of my MS. Put into modern philosophical phraseology it amounts to saying that there is no permanent subject underlying the temporary phenomena visible in a man's individuality.

But P. II, 23 to Agita of the garment of hair. II, 26 to Pakudha KaMayana. It is the standard list always used in similar connections; and is, no doubt, supposed to be exhaustive. See p. Trenckner has done, after akasi. See pp. He gives no 'mark' of yoniso manasikara. It is not in Childers; and HTnari-kumbure gives no assistance.

The whole line may mean, 'The scheme of a virtuous life as laid down in the most excellent Patimokkha. On the whole section compare M. I, Buddhaghosa, loc. Doubtless a magic gem is meant: with allusion particularly to the Wondrous Gem the Mara-ratana of the mythical King of Glory see my Buddhist Suttas,' p. From these passages a fair idea of the Buddhist view of faith could be formed. Although the Buddhist faith and the Christian faith are in things contradictory, the two conditions of heart are strikingly similar both in origin and in consequence.

This is the way in which HTnari-kumbure understands this doubtful passage. Hardy has bungled the whole simile. Both the words are new, and I am not sure that the first does not after all come from the root sar, to follow. This definition is in keeping with the etymological meaning of the word sati, which is 'memory. I have sometimes rendered it 'self-possession. And it is a very constant theme of the Buddhist moralist. It was on these that he laid special stress, in his last address to the members of the Order, just before his death 'Book of the Great Decease,' III, 65, in my 'Buddhist Suttas,' pp.

It is particularly interesting to me to find here the use of the word 'treasurer' instead of 'householder;' for it was in that exact sense that I had understood the word gahapati in that connection, at a time when, in the then state of Pali scholarship, it seemed very bold to do so. Compare the 'Buddhist Suttas,' p. It will be seen that our author is in substantial agreement with the older tradition, and does not, like the Lalita Vistara, understand under this officer a general. Hardy in the 'Manual of Buddhism,' pp.